"... at its christian run attached gift shop."

Every MAGAt.

Every non-voter.

Every third-party voter.

EXACTLY what you wanted.

Wikus Van Botha @olepluckjr1989 isn't too smart, is he.

Your second daily reminder that words matter.

AfD is the fucking nazi party.

Reading

Nikolaus Wachsmann
KL - A HISTORY OF THE NAZI CONCENTRATION CAMPS

Benjamin Slyngstad

DR. SEUSS from 1941

And on this platform, folks, those most perplexing people… the Lads with the Siamese Beard! Unrelated by blood, they are joined in a manner that mystifies the mightiest minds in the land!

Special Collections and Archives, UC San Diego Library.

The only brainwashing that was ever going on was people on the left tying themselves in knots trying to convince themselves that their friends and family were brainwashed.

Every single MAGAt. 

Every single American not resisting with their lives.

From the new issue of Private Eye Magazine.

A fucking nazi is a fucking nazi is a fucking nazi.

Y'all need to get your fucking heads out of the fucking sand.

GEORGE CONWAY
C-SPAN - October 30, 2024

I don't want to see a Republican Party led by a fascist, but he is a fascist. He cannot help but be a fascist. His personality disorders make him a fascist. He does not care about anyone else. He does not care about the rule of law. He does not care about justice. He does not care about right and wrong.

He's a convicted criminal. He's an adjudicated sexual abuser. He is by any colloquial standard a rapist, He is a bad man. And why all of you out theresem to want to excuse him and pretend that that reality is something other than what it is and what you want it to be is the problem.

What people don't seem to understand is that Trump actually does speak for his cult on this topic, especially the white christians in his cult, want Nazi generals. I interact with these people every day. They, and (again) especially the white christians in his cult, are absolutely ravenous to see a "final solution" in the US.

TIMOTHY SNYDER
On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century

As observers of totalitarianism such as Victor Klemperer noticed, truth dies in four modes, all of which we have just witnessed.

The first mode is the open hostility to verifiable reality, which takes the form of presenting inventions and lies as if they were facts. The president does this at a high rate and at a fast pace. One attempt during the 2016 campaign to track his utterances found that 78 percent of his factual claims were false. This proportion is so high that it makes the correct assertions seem like unintended oversights on the path toward total fiction. Demeaning the world as it is begins the creation of a fictional counterworld.

The second mode is shamanistic incantation. As Klemperer noted, the fascist style depends upon “endless repetition,” designed to make the fictional plausible and the criminal desirable. The systematic use of nicknames such as “Lyin’ Ted” and “Crooked Hillary” displaced certain character traits that might more appropriately have been affixed to the president himself. Yet through blunt repetition over Twitter, our president managed the transformation of individuals into stereotypes that people then spoke aloud. At rallies, the repeated chants of “Build that wall” and “Lock her up” did not describe anything that the president had specific plans to do, but their very grandiosity established a connection between him and his audience.

The next mode is magical thinking, or the open embrace of contradiction. The president’s campaign involved the promises of cutting taxes for everyone, eliminating the national debt, and increasing spending on both social policy and national defense. These promises mutually contradict. It is as if a farmer said he were taking an egg from the henhouse, boiling it whole and serving it to his wife, and also poaching it and serving it to his children, and then returning it to the hen unbroken, and then watching as the chick hatches.

Accepting untruth of this radical kind requires a blatant abandonment of reason. Klemperer’s descriptions of losing friends in Germany in 1933 over the issue of magical thinking ring eerily true today. One of his former students implored him to “abandon yourself to your feelings, and you must always focus on the Führer’s greatness, rather than on the discomfort you are feeling at present.” Twelve years later, after all the atrocities, and at the end of a war that Germany had clearly lost, an amputated soldier told Klemperer that Hitler “has never lied yet. I believe in Hitler.”

The final mode is misplaced faith. It involves the sort of self-deifying claims the president made when he said that “I alone can solve it” or “I am your voice.” When faith descends from heaven to earth in this way, no room remains for the small truths of our individual discernment and experience. What terrified Klemperer was the way that this transition seemed permanent. Once truth had become oracular rather than factual, evidence was irrelevant. At the end of the war a worker told Klemperer that “understanding is useless, you have to have faith. I believe in the Führer.”

A. R. MOXON

Historians have a word for Germans who joined the Nazi party, not because they hated Jews, but out of a hope for restored patriotism, or a sense of economic anxiety, or a hope to preserve their religious values, or dislike of their opponents, or raw political opportunism, or convenience, or ignorance, or greed.

That word is "Nazi."

Nobody cares about their motives anymore.

TIMOTHY SNYDER
The Road to Unfreedom: Russia, Europe, America

To proclaim "America First" was to deny any need to fight fascism either at home or abroad. When American Nazis and white supremacists marched in Charlottesville in August 2017, Trump said that some of them were "very fine people." He defended the Confederate and Nazi cause of preserving monuments to the Confederacy. Such monuments in the American South were raised in the 1920s and 1930s, at a time when fascism in the United States was a real possibility; they memorialized the racial purification of Southern cities that was contemporary with the rise of fascism in Europe.

Contemporary observers had no difficulty seeing the connection. Will Rogers, the great American entertainer and social commentator of his time, saw Adolf Hitler in 1933 as a familiar figure: "Papers all state that Hitler is trying to copy Mussolini. Looks to me it"s the KKK he"s copying." The great American social thinker and historian W.E.B. Du Bois could see how the temptations of fascism worked together with American myths of the past. He rightly feared that American whites would prefer a story about enmity with blacks to a reforming state that would improve prospects for all Americans. Whites distracted by racism could become, as he wrote in 1935, "the instrument by which democracy in the nation was done to death, race provincialism deified, and the world delivered to plutocracy," what we call oligarchy.

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